Mészáros claimed ‘the foundations of the Marxian system’ are centered on the concept of alienation (Mészáros 1970) and this is correct, in addition, there is nothing in it for cultivators. That Marx never grappled fully with the agrarian question (Mavor 1925) was obvious in practice and an argument does not need to be presented that claims leadership failures regarding the agricultural sector originate in Marx’s Theory of Alienation: they actually do originate in it. No theoretical basis exists that justifies Marxism-inspired leaders meddling with agriculture or peasants. The useless antagonization of peasants, working on organic matter, that characterized attempted applications of Marxist thought is traced directly to Marx and this theory. ​​​​

   To-date, volumes in the series Baggage, Baskets, Caskets and Cribs provide a response to the obvious and poor understanding of Karl Marx's works and the conceptual chaos he generated about capital. They elaborate on the experience of peasants in Marxism-inspired milieus by way of a rigorous theoretical review and demonstrate how the theoretical rebar Marx used in support of his idea of appropriation of means of production was woefully inadequate to do so. Authors interested in how political science theory impacts agriculturalists and the agricultural sector are encouraged to generate more volumes for the series. 

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Current Research

   Tintinnabulation of psychological horrors, lamentations of management and human relations ineptitude, the unique literary genre spawned, and abandonments of the approach, combine to inspire inquiry into whether any country actually had a Marxist experience as ignited by Marx's foundational theory, the Theory of Alienation. This theory, the companion of Marxist practice, contains Marx’s justification for revolution and it is difficult to conclude that Marx did not have a desire to improve the lot of humankind when writing it. Unfortunately, Marx’s conceptual errors about capital and the chaos that resulted from attempted applications of his ideas, the din of which continues to reach our senses, beckon multiple types of review.

   From this theory, we know Marx believed the wage laborer was alienated for only receiving a wage in exchange for working on inorganic matter and, thus, promoted revolution and appropriating of means of production treating inorganic matter and public governance by a dictatorship of the proletariat (those who know how to convert inorganic matter into some thing). For this dictatorship, a very specific skill Marx greatly admired is required to qualify as a Marxist leader: the person must possess the consciousness required to convert inorganic matter into some thing. Marx believed its possession represented a superiority over the consciousness possessed by peasants laboring over organic matter. (Although, to have demonstrated even the slightest interest in the scientific method, Marx should have asked "How many people do not eat food?" Who really helped more people: Appert from Massy or Marx from London?) The current volume underway, Who Had a Marxist Experience?, regards whether leaders of 100 countries under review were or are actually qualified Marxist leaders and this impact on experience.​​  An ongoing survey project for the book regards experiences of trauma that are believed to originate in Marx's ideas. 

   With the exception of Mao's comment ‘I am a complete outsider when it comes to economic construction, and I understand nothing about industrial planning’ (Mao 1959), studied leaders also have not been discovered to recognize they were not qualified. An example of a government official who resigned for being out of compliance in a Marxism-inspired milieu is Bibi Titi Mohammed. In Tanzania, Mohammed, who helped popularize Nyerere, resigned when government policies were adopted that forbid civil servants to own rental property (Verbit 1971) and at this time in 1967 the Tanzanian government was officially aligning with Marxist practice as illustrated by the Tanzanian government’s 1970/71 Economic Survey that reported public ownership of the major means of production had been accomplished (URT 1971:1,104). This one act of Mohammed's, a ribbon on the Marxist tree of resignations, achieved an alignment in theory and practice that Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Mao, and Nyerere, never achieved: they were not qualified to lead states using Marx's ideas for statecraft, they did not remove themselves from the political stage.
   It is pertinent to ask "Since Nyerere associated economic justice with the State having ‘effective control over the principal means of production’ (Nyerere 1967), did such justice actually result when leaders in Marxism-inspired milieus did not possess the required consciousness to convert inorganic matter into some thing causing them to confiscate peasant labor and capital instead?" They simply found ways to justify their benevolent oppression of peasants and since admiration of proletarian consciousness (and not the consciousness of peasants) is the repeating chorus of Marx's theoretical song, and the axe at which he kept uselessly grinding away at, its possession is how those presented as Marxist or aligned leaders are determined to have been, or currently actually are, qualified Marxist leaders. These definitions still holding,

Socialist - a person who advocates or practices socialism, and  

Socialism - a political and economic theory of social organization which advocates that the means of production, distribution, and exchange should be owned or regulated by the community as a whole (Oxford Languages Dictionary),

it surprises that, when in power, supposedly aligned leaders (also affiliated with Socialist International) are often not qualified to manage such means of production and do not possess the consciousness required to treat inorganic matter.

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All criticisms are welcomed. As a courtesy, researched criticisms received from the Chinese Communist Party will be posted with permission here (as of today none have been received and not due to the author's lack of trying to acquire at least one):

Criticism number one (第一次批评):

Date received:

Downloadable pdf file:

CCP Official or Office: